Executive Summary:
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Topic: the costs of US drug policy and potential
solutions
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Barro discusses externalities of US drug policy
in Peru; today, Mexico has a lot more drug-related problems (at least in part
as a result of our drug policies), which, because of Mexico’s proximity to us,
naturally impacts the US more.
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Within the US itself, US drug policy presents
various costs and potential benefits, which we must balance to understand the
optimal outcome and policy. This is difficult because of the nature of the
issue – accurate data is very hard to find.
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Country case studies of decriminalization and
legalization exist. I investigate Portugal’s decriminalization in depth; it has
achieved moderate success, and success in certain significant objectives.
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Portugal’s policy may not work precisely the
same in the US, but there seems to be some potential to adopt some of Portugal’s
approaches, particularly with respect to softer drugs (e.g. cannabis).
I found Barro’s commentary on US drug policy in relation
to the political and economic situation in Peru in the 1990s interesting, particularly with
relation to the pervasive power of the terrorist group, the Shining Path. It
seems to me that this commentary has particular relevance today, as it seems as if the costs and benefits surrounding
US drug policy have shifted slightly. Rather than the Shining Light in Peru,
now we have Mexican drug cartels, which have been estimated to have killed over
50,000 Mexicans since 2006. As the graph below shows, monthly death tolls have
been increasing steadily over at least the past five years:
Furthermore, corruption among public officials and
particularly police is very common and drug cartels present a real threat to
political power.
Because Mexico borders the United States, the extent of
this drug-related violence impacts us more directly than it did when it took
place in Peru. Additionally, there are other costs of to the United States as
well – particularly the cost of enforcing prohibition, including the caseloads
in the criminal justice system. Certainly, there are costs to drug use as well,
to the tune of $190.3 billion in 2007 (Pacula). Imaginably, such costs could
increase with legalization or decriminalization.
To understand the merits and disadvantages of the US
prohibition on drugs, we have to be able to balance these costs and benefits.
Yet because of the illegal nature of drugs, it is often very difficult to
gather accurate data on use rates and trends, prices, and so on. One potential guide is looking at countries that legalize or decriminalize
drugs, such as Portugal, which decriminalized all drugs in 2001. As Caitlin
Elizabeth Hughes and Alex Stevens found, some results from Portugal were mixed
or inconclusive, yet problematic drug use declined slightly as it increased in
other countries in the region (such as Italy or Spain). At the least, decriminalization
did not seem to increase drug use any more beyond the trend occurring in other countries
at the time.
Furthermore, the criminal justice system has seen many
benefits, starting with a reasonably stable level of drug caseloads (with an
expected drop in criminal offenses, replaced by administrative offenses) even
as its neighbor, Spain, saw a significant increase in comparable offenses. This
discrepancy suggests that Portugal’s system under decriminalization, which
essentially refers minor offenders to a panel that will provide sanctions like
community service or recommend treatment for dependent users, operates a lot
more efficiently. In line with this trend, the proportion of prisoners
committed for drug-related offenses dropped from 44% to 21%, contributing to a
serious decrease in prison density (from 119 prisoners per 100 prison places in
2001 to 101.5 in 2005) that all but eliminated overcrowding. Additionally, drug
prices decreased dramatically (insofar as one could accurately track that
within a black market), suggesting the possibility of decreased supply and
demand. Indeed, police in Portugal had more success in seizing amounts of drugs
in sizes clearly meant for commercial sale and distribution.
Perhaps the best outcomes for Portugal have been in terms
of health. Particularly, Portugal saw a decline in drug-related deaths overall
after decriminalization and especially an even greater decline in
opiate-related deaths specifically (from 95 percent of drug related deaths in
1999 to 59 percent in 2008). There has also been a significant reduction in
AIDS and HIV cases among drug users - from 506 to 108 and 907 to 267 respectively
from 2000 to 2008.
Sources Used:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-10681249
http://bjc.oxfordjournals.org/content/50/6/999.full#ref-40
http://www.cis.yale.edu/macmillan/newsletter/rethinking-war-on-drugs.pdf#page=159
http://www.jstor.org/stable/2138396?seq=2
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