In chapter 2 of The Age of
Diminished Expectations, Paul Krugman discusses income distribution in the
United States. “The surge in inequality in the United States after 1973,” he
states, “completely reversed the movement toward equality…By the 1990s, America
was probably about as unequal a society as it had been in the Great Gatsby era
of the 1920s” (23). He concludes that no one knows exactly why there has been a
dramatic widening of income inequality in the U.S., and although income
distribution affects individual American’s standard of living, it is not a
major policy issue. Although Krugman is very correct in his statement that no
one knows exactly why there has been a dramatic widening of unequal income
distribution in the U.S., by comparing the U.S.’s demographics, population
size, nature of the economy, and Gini coefficient to other countries that share
similar qualities, we can see that there may be a positive correlation between
these specific qualities and the growth of unequal income distribution.
The
below graph is from the CIA World Factbook in 2009. It color-codes each country
based on their Gini coefficient. The U.S. ha a Gini coefficient in the range of
.45 to .49. India has a Gini coefficient between .35 and .39. China has a
coefficient between .45 and .49. These countries have populations of
311,591,917 people, 1,241,491,960
people, and 1,344,130,000 people respectively. All of these three countries
have a wide range of ethnicities, languages, and religions within their
borders; China has over 8 languages spoken in its different regions, and 15
different ethnicities, while India has 2 major ethnic groups, over 14 languages
spoken, and three major religions practiced. The U.S., being known for its ‘melting
pot’ culture, has over 5 ethnicities, four different languages spoken, and over
7 different religions practiced within its borders.
Now lets compare the inequality in
the above countries’ income distribution to those of Norway, Sweden, and Finland.
Norway population of 4,952,000, Sweden has a population of 9,103,788, and
Finland has a population of 5,262,930. All of these countries have a Gini
coefficient that is either in the .25 - .29 bracket, or below .25. Not only are
these countries small in population and in geography, but they are also
relatively homogenous. 96% of those who live in Norway are Norwegian; 3.6% are
from other European countries, and 2% are from elsewhere. It has one official
language, and a majority of its people (85.7%) practice with the Church of
Norway. Sweden and Finland are similar to Norway in the sense that they have
one official language, and a majority of their populations (over 85%) are
Lutheran. When comparing these smaller, homogenous countries with the large,
heterogeneous U.S., India, and China, we see that these smaller, homogenous
countries have a more equal income distribution.
The distinction between income
distribution in large, heterogeneous societies and homogenous smaller ones
evokes Barro’s argument in favor of the optimal size of a nation and the
attraction of secession. When there is either a shock (the Arab Oil Embargo in
1973 as hinted at by Krugman, or the American Civil War as pointed out by
Barro) or a change (modernization/becoming more open to international trade) to
the system, heterogeneous countries with a free market and large population
have a harder time managing the divergence of their income distributions. After
making this comparison between countries, we have to ask whether growing income
distribution is and inevitable consequence of a large, free-market,
heterogeneous society that undergoes modernization.
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